The Cultural Bond: Sport, Empire, Society (Sport in the Global Society)

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Though what happened to them was unseen by any white man, between roughly and they underwent one of the great social and military transformations in history. Few nations have ever progressed with such breathtaking speed from the status of skulking pariah to dominant power.


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The change was total and irrevocable, and it was accompanied by a complete reordering of the balance of power on the American plains. The agent of this astonishing change was the horse.

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Or, more precisely, what this undistinguished group of Stone Age hunters did with the horse, a piece of transformative technology that had as much of an effect on the Great Plains as steam and electricity had on the rest of human civilization. They had gotten the horse from the Spanish and had immediately understood it better than anyone else. That included breaking, breeding, and riding them, hunting with them and going into battle with them. The Comanches adapted to the horse earlier and more completely than any other plains tribe, and whatever it was, whatever sort of accidental brilliance, whatever the particular, subliminal bond between warrior and horse, it must have thrilled these dark-skinned pariahs from the Wind River country.

Now in possession of this awesome new power, they did what you might expect them to do: challenge other tribes for possession of the midcontinent's greatest food source, which were the buffalo herds on the southern plains. Over roughly years of sustained combat, that is what they did, exterminating some tribes, driving others, like the Apaches, before them. They were so powerful that they stopped the Spanish advance in North America cold.

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The stopped the French advance from Louisiana too. Firstly, personalisation is growing in the provision of social care in many countries and we currently do not know how it impacts inequality. As one of the most ambitious personalisation schemes in the world [ 43 ], the NDIS provides an important case through which to examine these issues.

Our review of the existing empirical research and evaluations of the NDIS supports the argument that the structure of administrative systems within personalisation schemes favor those already equipped to deal with complex bureaucracy counter to the claims of choice, control and empowerment. We find that the NDIS has a number of structural aspects that can result in inequitable access to the scheme or to care services, with flow on effects for choice and control, empowerment and health outcomes. This aligns with previous research. For example, Matthews and Hastings [ 48 , 49 ] argue that middle-class users are more favored in the design of public services because those designing and administering public services are also likely to be middle-class, resulting in services that match the values and norms of the middle-class.

In other words, services are created with a particular norm or ideal user in mind and these reflect the designers themselves. With regard to personalisation schemes, our findings suggest that such approaches have the potential to entrench existing inequalities. We found evidence of inequitable access occurring along the lines of gender [ 50 ], education [ 50 ] remoteness and rurality [ 43 , 50 , 73 , 74 ], socio-economic position [ 29 ] and disability type [ 36 , 50 ].

As presented in the findings, there are structural aspects of the delivery systems of personalisation schemes that favour users who have good literacy, speak English, hold low levels of trauma, trust systems, haves the time to manage their own funding and to research the choices available, or have a trusted person to do this for them, and so on.

In other words, these are people who are likely to already be situated near the top end of the social gradient of health [ 47 ] and have high social capital. These attributes and social conditions can negatively interact with administrative systems for personalisation — highlighting the need for more consideration of social and health inequailities during design and implementation [ 10 ]. Olney and Dickinson note, administrative burden in personalisation is distributed unequally [ 63 ].

In the context of the NDIS, we found that this was likely to occur in four key areas: managing individual budgets, bureaucratic accessibility, service provision and market robustness. These are defining characteristics of personalisation schemes internationally [ 60 ], suggesting that such schemes have the potential to entrench and widen social inequalities by nature of their very design.

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While personalisation schemes such as the NDIS cannot necessarily redress existing inequities in the social determinants of health e. Given the focus on choice, control and empowerment, a well administered personalisation scheme with thorough supports could result in some levelling of the social gradient — enabling citizens to access services and supports that meet their needs without widening inequities. This is not a fundamental flaw in personalisation itself, but rather something to consider in the design and delivery of personalisation schemes, which may or may not entrench inequities depending on how they are designed and administered.

As a result, personalisation may not only entrench existing inequities, but widen them by allowing those higher on the social gradient to derive more benefit than those situated lower on the social gradient. Experiences of the NDIS suggest that this very possible. Despite the considerable growth in personalisation schemes in disability and aged care internationally, to date little research has examined their effects on social inequalities.

On the one hand, we might hypothesise that with their emphasis on choice, control and empowerment, personalisation schemes have the potential to address individual differences in social determinants to health, leading to greater equity.

However, such schemes put unprecedented emphasis on individuals to advocate for their own rights and navigate burdensome administrative systems. In examining one of the largest and most ambitious personalisation schemes in the world, the NDIS, we found evidence that the very design of these schemes can not only entrench existing inequalities in the social determinants of health but widen them. This is concerning given the international push towards personalisation in various areas of social care, with widespread implications for efforts to address the social gradient in health.

More attention needs to be given to the administrative structures and systems through which personalisation schemes are delivered if we are to avoid increasing inequity. Canberra: commonwealth government of Australia. Australian Productivity Commission.

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Disability care and support: productivity commission inquiry report. Melbourne: Vic. Baum F. Cracking the nut of health equity: top down and bottom up pressure for action on the social determinants of health. Promot Educ.

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Bourdieu, P. A theory of practice. Cambridge Massachusetts.

Bourdieu P. Distinction: a social Crtique of the judgement of taste. London: Routledge; Carey G, Crammond B.

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J Epidemiol Community Health. Towards health equity: a framework for the application of proportionate universalism. Int J Equity Health. Carey G, Friel S. Understanding the role of public Administration in Implementing Action on the social determinants of health and health inequities. International Journal of Health Policy and Management. Carey G, Malbon E.

Policy Design and Practice. Health Promot Int. Redressing or entrenching social and health inequities through policy implementation? Coburn D.

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Beyond the income inequality hypothesis: class, neo-liberalism, and health inequalities. Soc Sci Med. Unpacking the complexity of planning with persons with cognitive disability and complex support needs. J Appl Res Intellect Disabil. Commonwealth Government of Australia. National Disability Insurance Scheme Act. Cortis, N. Reasonable, necessary and valued: pricing disability services for quality support and decent jobs. Crammond BR, Carey G.

Soc Theory Health. Closing the gap in a generation. Geneva: WHO; Dickinson H. Individualised funding: what works? Evidence Base ; Dickinson, H.